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On the other hand, he foreignised such phrases which may not be very popular or which he wrongly interpreted. Both Polish texts do not introduce the gradual progress of the atmosphere of uncertainty. They are used in order to stress the lower and middle class of the characters, their adolescent age and poor education.
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Nevertheless, according to Hejwowski [b: ], the translator may encounter situations in which all the techniques fail. They are used in order to stress the lower and middle class of the characters, their adolescent age and poor education. The stylised language of the novel makes its characters more realistic.
All the expressions above are translated literally. Another example, 2a , means that something was not said to somebody directly; face to face, whilst 2b means that the subject of the sentence has four eyes.
The expression appears when the protagonist insults his friend and is aware of possible consequences of this act. The source language phrase SLP emphasises the vulgar language of the protagonist and his emotions. The target language phrase TLP comprehended literally can be taken as nonsensical.
When translating the above phrases Paloff was, more or less, faithful to the Polish lexicon and syntax. However, as the TLPs are not English idioms they have to be taken literally. In both examples the translator employs idioms of similar meaning and form. Both translations domesticate the original phrases and the expressions with their contexts become intelligible for the target reader. Obviously apropos of nothing p. In this case Paloff uses idioms of a similar meaning but dissimilar form.
Both idioms in 7 mean to mislead. However, in the translation there is a change from informal into formal register. In 9b such associations are doubtful. Furthermore, example 10 relates to hurrying up and example 11 is an interjection expressing disappointment.
The TLPs are transparent for the target reader. All the expressions are domesticated and the TLPs prove a functional approach of the translator. The translation 12b results in a descriptive equivalent which presents the Polish understanding of the act lying is darkening.
The target reader cannot understand the TLP in other way than literally that the character is not going to dim anything. The translation deforms the message and is confusing. The phrase 13a means that somebody suddenly stands still. SLP 14a means to play pranks on somebody. The translation changes the meaning.
Another SLP, 15a , is a common collocation: 15a czarna godzina p. The phrase means the worst time when one suffers from the lack of things indispensable for them.
It means the time when ghosts appear. Thus, it is mistranslation which leads to different understanding than that intended in the ST.
When translating idioms, sayings and set phrases Paloff domesticated these expressions which seem to have their evident equivalents. On the other hand, he foreignised such phrases which may not be very popular or which he wrongly interpreted. The translator adjusted some phrases to the target reader but also reflected a Polish way of perceiving certain ideas. However, the foreignisation implemented results in numerous misunderstandings, confusion and change of the original content.
Another category distinguished is non-standard language referring to violence, crime and sex. The phrase 16a refers to threatening: 16a to zabije jak psa p.
The literal translation of the phrase may result in misunderstanding by the target reader since it is not a simile common in English. The SLP means to kill with extreme aggression and, literally, as if you were a dog. Whilst, 16b can be understood that the threatening person is going to be as aggressive as a dog.
Thus, 16b changes the meaning of 16a which can be wrongly considered as the invention of the author. Thanks to such domestication the TT is transparent for the target reader. All these phrases relate to beating. Paloff employs a stylizing technique of colloquialization.
The SLPs are uttered by uneducated teenagers considered the dregs of society. The translation is of domesticating nature. Furthermore, the target reader may have an impression of closeness between Polish and English because in the TLPs there is no trace of the strangeness unnaturalness and the target reader knows that the action is settled in Poland. These phrases are colloquial and slang expressions connected with illegal ways of growing rich. For instance, example 27 means to get a lot of money, whereas example 30 means fencing of stolen cars.
However, 32a is neutralized as it is translated with the expression which is not slangish or colloquial. Thereby, 32b is neither source nor target culture specific.
What is more, it does not reflect the style of the author who deliberately employs colloquial language in the SLP. The phrase 33a is translated literally. The SLP refers to the stamp put in a passport in order to prevent departure from a country. The expression 34a refers here to going to jail in other contexts it could be associated with getting killed. The TLP not only lacks the source culture specificity but also results in misunderstanding through mistranslation.
Paloff decided to domesticate most of the analysed expressions connected with violence and crime. He probably wanted these phrases to sound natural to the target reader and reflect the background of the characters. The translator foreignised only two expressions which he must have recognised as not important for the plot connected with threatening and punishment or he wrongly considered them meaningful literally. A further category of non-standard language includes expressing emotional states and conditions.
These phrases are translated with their American English equivalents. The way the above states are expressed in the Polish language disappears. The target reader is not introduced into a different manner of cognizing the same concepts. The phrase 42a refers to slow thinking, 43a expresses fear and 44a — anger.
The target reader gets acquainted with the Polish manner of expressing the given states. Paloff domesticated phrases analysed in this category implementing functional replacement. Nonetheless, he also chose foreignisation which he applied only occasionally.
Thus, the translation results in the linguistic adjustment to the target reality with a little of foreign flavour. The translation results in the domestication of these TLPs. In the case of 47a unidiomatic expression is changed into an idiom. These SLPs are replaced with American colloquial equivalents and the TLPs do not reflect the Polish cognition of the acts of having knowledge but domesticate them.
The translation generalises the cultural specificity but the context remains comprehensible for the target reader. The TLP leads to misunderstanding of such a foreignised expression. The context may confuse the target reader who can consider that such meaning was also intended in the ST. These phrases are rendered with functional replacement as well. The source culture way of perceiving acts of taking or being under the influence of drugs is not visible in this domesticating translation but the TLPs reflect the source meaning.
Conclusions Most of the non-standard language expressions were domesticated. These elements are of metaphoric and idiomatic nature.
In American literary polysystem Polish literature translated into English takes a peripheral position. Furthermore, these elements when adjusted to the target reality, as it was stated by Gutt [], are meaningful for the readers who do not have to exert themselves to understand the text. As Venuti [] noticed, it is possible to exchange a source language variety with the target one but it cannot be successful since it does not release the whole repertoire of the TL.
Moreover, the dominance of domestication proves the significance of language for a culture-bound literary work which is comprehensible only when the language does not cause confusion. Dialect in Translation.
Berman, A. In: L. Venuti ed. The Translation Studies Reader. London and New York , Routledge, — Even-Zohar, I. Frawley, W. Prolegomenon to a Theory of Translation.
The Trans- lation Studies Reader. Green, J. Gutt, E. Translation as Interlingual Interpretive Use. Hejwowski, K. A Cognitive-Communicative Approach. Olecko, Wydawnictwo Wszechnicy Mazurskiej. Jakobson, R. On Linguistic Aspect of Translation. Snow White and Russian Red, transl. Paloff, New York, Grove Press.
Venuti, L. London, Routledge. The Scandals of Translation. London and New York, Routledge. Widawski, M. Wojtasiewicz, O. Warszawa, Tepis.
The analysis of chosen expressions proves that in most cases the translator decided to adapt the text to the target readership and rather resigned from the author-oriented rendering. It shows that a culture-specific novel is intelligible for the target reader when the language is lucid. Introduction Different accounts of inflectional morphology converge on the idea that only one regular suffixation-based default exists in the grammar of a language.
The symbolic accounts [Pinker and Prince ; Marcus et al. Furthermore, according to the associative accounts, defaultness is achieved by associative memory. While the difference between the associative accounts and the symbolic accounts is in its treatment of the default regular inflection. According to the associative model, both the default regular and irregular forms are processed in the associative memory.
Research on Jordanian Arabic hence JA offers an analysis having more than one default inflection. This is accomplished by showing that unlike the previous morphological accounts such as associative mechanism model, symbolic mechanism model; and the schema model cf. In our system, two inflectional systems are open and thus default: the sound feminine plural and the iambic broken plural.
Asassfeh iambic broken plural to the sound feminine plural is diachronically motivated due to the shift between the two default forms in two different periods of time. Diachronic morphological change In this research we will focus on the diachronic representation that provides accounts for the morphological change mechanism observed in the language system of JA. We need to establish the historical properties and development of the language through the domain of a diachronic analysis.
Thus, we assume that the diachronic account will provide a fuller picture regarding the morphological structure of a language. Moreover, the morphological change in a language can be realized through different levels. According to Joseph [], different levels of grammar can be subject to change in morphology.
In our study, the assumption is that the in the grammar of Jordanian Arabic would be extended to predict the occurrence of two defaults: the sound feminine plural and the iambic broken plural rather than one default: the sound feminine plural.
The plural system in Jordanian Arabic JA displays two gender classes: feminine and masculine. The sound feminine plural is formed by attaching the suffix -aat to the end of some non-human masculine singular nouns e.
This form of the plural is productive, i. To form the sound masculine plural, the suffix -een is attached to the end of the singular human masculine noun e. This kind of plural is formed through a non- linear pattern shift referred to as the broken plural in which the consonantal root is retained as the singular form but vowels are changed nonlinearly between the consonants in accordance with a strict template [El-Yasin ].
Finally, JA contains collectives. Collectives form a separate morphological category used to refer to uncountable entities or to living things like fruit, animals, etc. Another way of forming collectives in JA is the deletion of the singular feminine marker -a e. Defaultness The mechanism of defaultness needs to be investigated in order to account for the emergence of the two default forms in JA. This item may be unfamiliar, dissimilar to familiar items or computationally inaccessible because of noise in memory or because of the way the data in memory is structured.
Evidence of regular inflection as a default can be observed with the inflection which is assigned to borrowings, names and denominals in English and Hebrew, all of which fail to trigger default irregular patterns as a stored association, because these default forms lack a canonical root [Berent ; Kim et al.
According to the symbolic account, default inflection can apply to non-words that are dissimilar to English forms, hence are unlikely to activate stored irregular tokens [Prasada and Pinker ]. In terms of the irregular inflection, this account has the same application observed with the distribution asymmetry account. This is based upon the argument that the irregular forms are tightly bounded and thus new words take similar inflection to these clustered ones and if blocked the default regular inflection is applied.
Further, a canonical root can be of considerable importance in the generality of the default inflection to words that have no access to the memory such as borrowings, denominals, names, etc. Asassfeh address or distinct identity as a word in the language; a part-of-speech category, subcate- gory features e.
The phonological representation must conform to a canonical template for words in the language [McCarthy and Prince ]. In JA, canonical roots are marked by their inflection in the plural. On the other hand, JA presents instances of noncanonical root words such as the loan words, diminutives, names and deverbal nouns that do not have the feminine marker -a.
These noncanonical words may be assigned any plural form due to the lack of access of these categories to their canonical root in the lexicon. In this case, no lexical access exists between the word and any mental representation. Clahsen [] found that the German regular affixes like -s and -n , which were overregularized by children, are omitted within compounds. In compounds, the regular inflection occurs after the irregular inflection.
Moreover, Pinker [] assumes that the English plural -s is simultaneously the regular form and default. Defaultness in Jordanian Arabic The grammar of JA displays two default plural forms: the sound feminine plural marked with the suffix -aat e.
Defaultness Patterns: A Diachronic Account 71 Accordingly, the purpose of this research is to articulate the following predictions. The notion of a single- default mechanism — as presented by the symbolic account — might be motivated by the suffixation process applied in English. While, on the other hand, having a rule-governed process makes it possible to predict the existence of a multiple default system in the language grammar.
The current research aims at exploring the representation of the default system in JA at a diachronic level. Our diachronic analysis would take into account the default shift that occurred in the grammar of JA in two different periods: the Turkish period and the British period. Jordan was considered as part of the Turkish Empire till the advent of the British in Palestine and Jordan.
Turkish was also the official language used in political and commercial affairs. Accordingly, we can conclude that Turkish words came into JA before most English words because the influence of the European languages — specifically English — began to take place in the late s [Suleiman ].
During the influx of the Turkish loan words, the lack of the canonical root triggered the Iambic broken plural to be the domain for the inflection of loan words as default forms.
On the other hand, following the Turkish loan words, the loan words coming from English could be differently inflected using the sound feminine inflection as the default form. Predictions and data analysis 5. Predictions 1. JA consists of two default forms: the suffixation formed sound feminine with the -aat attached to the end of the singular to form the plural noun; and the internally formed iambic broken plural with an internal vowel change represented by the short-long vowel format, i.
There is a diachronic default shift which occurred in JA. This shift is displayed as in the following two phases. The first phase is represented in Turkish loan words which came into JA and took the iambic broken plural inflection.
Asassfeh second phase is introduced through English loan words also which came into English and have the sound feminine plural inflection as a default pattern. The occurrence of two defaults is accounted for through the introduction of the diachronic representation of the lexicon.
The existence of two defaults is expected to motivate the so-called Lexical Evolution in which default forms are realized through two different stages of morphological representation.
A new role of openness comes into play to contribute to the emergence of a multidefault hierarchy as it allows new forms to be categorized in the lexical paradigm of the language.
Data analysis To examine the occurrence of two defaults in the grammar of JA, we collected loan words that represent two different phases: the Turkish and the British.
The data representing the Turkish loan words are taken from Farghal and Al-khatib [] and Ababneh []. For the corpus representing the English loan words we used the data taken from Butros [] and Farghal and Al-khatib []. Why loan words? In terms of the lexicon architecture, it is necessary to maintain that, according to the inflectional morphology accounts [cf.
Marcus ], loan words fall outside the phonological space — they do not belong to the lexical system of a language. In other words, loan words do not have any orthographic, phonological or semantic representation in the lexicon, so these forms cannot be inflected using the lexical memory retrieval system available for the language, thus the default operations apply whenever memory retrieval fails to provide an inflected form in the lexicon.
Default inflection, thus, applies freely in any circumstance in which memory fails since default inflection is created by a mental operation that does not need access to contents of memory. The mental operation could be either linear suffixation or hierarchical internal vowel change. In the case of JA, either sound feminine or iambic broken plural is a possible default forms. Namely, these features given to such borrowings must be labeled by a mental variable, i.
Loan words usually lack canonical roots [Marcus ; Berent et al. Turkish loan words Turkish was the official language used in political and commercial affairs as Jordan was considered as part of the Turkish Empire till the advent of the British in Palestine and Jordan.
So Turkish words came into JA before most English words because the influence of the European languages — specifically English — began to take place in the late s [Suleiman , Farghal and Al-khatib ]. According to Butros [] and Suleiman [], no documented evidence is available to deal with the existence of loan words before the Turkish period.
This borrowing had an influence on the plural template that loan words are expected to take; i. In this part, I offer evidence that JA contains the iambic broken plural as a default inflection applied to the loan words.
The main determinant for the establishment of defaultness is the lack of the canonical root which is defined by Marcus [] as the lexical, semantic, phonological and orthographic representation of the word in the lexicon. I have classified the plurals according to their inflection. For example, in data set table 1 the default iambic broken plural is shown to be the inflection for the Turkish loan words; while the last data set in table 2 provides a word list of Turkish loan words taking the second default: the sound feminine plural.
The data set in table 1 presents the distribution of the Turkish loan words in JA in terms of semantic domain. I make the assumption that these forms would take the default iambic inflection, as this form is open to inflect words that fall outside the templatic format of JA. Since these forms fall in the openness category, it would be unnecessary to predict which plural should take a singular form because these forms fall outside the templatic format, so they the take the open default inflection.
This mechanism of accepting two defaults gives insights into applying this multiple default format crosslinguistically in which a grammar of a language can host a multiple default system.
English loan words JA has had extensive contact with English since the late nineteenth century. The number of loaned words increased after the s with the British influence in the area of Jordan.
The influence was also boosted by Jordanian students who studied in British and American universities [Butros ]. In this section, we discuss how Jordanian Arabic acquires the sound feminine inflection as the second default for inflecting the loan words e.
We also provide an analysis on how a new default has come into the grammar of JA. The data are taken from Butros [] and Farghal and Al-khatib []. In data table 3 the corpus of the loan words shows that these words made their way into JA recently; i.
This can be supported by the fact that the majority of these nouns are classified into the technological or technical domain e. There are also some words in the academic or the fashion domains e. The fact that the sound feminine inflection is the target for the recently loaned forms provides strong evidence for the fact that this inflection has become the open inflection for the new words in the lexicon; i. Asassfeh Table 3 — continuation 1 2 3? Asassfeh 9. Discussion: a new source for morphology The fact that our new architecture is diachronically motivated, new defaultness patterns are observed in the lexicon of a language JA in our case.
Regardless of whether our new pattern of two defaults is concatenated or internal vowel based, the diachronic factors can account for a lexicon with two defaults. For instance, the loan words which came into JA in an earlier period — let us say before the British colonization — are hierarchically inflected while the loan word which came into JA later are linearly structured for the inflection of the plural form.
In other word, these features given to such borrowings must be labeled by a canonical root [Marcus ; Berent et al.
In the data above, we notice that both the iambic broken plural and the sound feminine plural, despite their formation asymmetry both lack a canonical root; hence, the default inflection comes into play.
Moreover, in the data provided above, there is evidence that the morphological representation can account for the continuum of defaultness in the grammar of the language containing two defaults. Thus, more explicable architecture of morphological representation is expected to give more crosslinguistic accounts for the Universal Grammar. Conclusion Diachronic factors play a dominant role in the establishment of defaultness continuum in JA.
I discussed data from loan words coming into JA during the Turkish and after the Turkish period, i. This hierarchy contains two defaults: the iambic broken plural and the sound feminine plural.
This pattern of inflection calls for two major observations. First, not only synchronic but also diachronic representation of the inflectional morphology can give more details about the architecture of the grammar of a language which helps in broad knowledge about the role of diachronic morphology in better understanding of the Universal Grammar. Put it differently, the lexicon of a language is composed of different levels of inflectional systems that vary in their degree of openness.
Eventually, the shift from the application of the iambic broken plural into the application of the sound feminine plural gives insights into the so-called lexical shift in which a lexicon can undergo systematic change in the architecture of grammar. This lexical shift is manifested through the tendency of the default inflection towards linearization. Ottoman Loanwords in Jordanian Arabic. Grazer Linguistische Studien 48, 1—7. Berent, I. Cognition 72, 1— Brian, D. Diachronic Morphology. In: A.
Spencer, A. The Handbook of Morphology. Blackwell Publisher. Butros, A. Columbia University, 88— Bybee, J. Amsterdam, John Benjamins. Regular Morphology and the Lexicon. Language and Cognitive Processes 10, — Use Impacts Morphological Representation. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 22, — Morphological Classes as Natural Categories. Language 59, — Clahsen, H. Morphological Structure and the Processing of Inflected Words. Theoretical Linguistics 23, — Cognition 45, — Farghal, M. Graze Linguistische Studien 52, 1— Halle, M.
Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection. Holes, C. Modern Arabic. London, Longman. Marcus, G. Can Connectionism Save Constructivism? Cognition 66, — Rethinking Eliminative Connectionism. Cognitive Psychology 37 3 , — Cognitive Psychology 29, — Over- regularization in Language Acquisition. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development. Serial no. Plunkett, K. Cognition 48, 21— Language and Cognitive Processes 12, — Prasada, S.
Generalisation of Regular and Irregular Morphological Patterns. Language and Cognitive Processes 8, 1— Ratcliffe, R. Ravid, D. First Language 19, — Rumelhart, D. In: J. McClelland, D. Say, T. In: S. Nooteboom, F. Weerman, F. Wijnen eds. Storage and Computation in the Language Faculty. Suleiman, S. Jordanian Arabic Between Diglossia and Bilingualism. Amsterdam, John Benjamin Publishing Company. Wright, W. A Grammar of the Arabic Language. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Zwicky, A. Summary Defaultness Patterns: A Diachronic Account Most approaches to inflectional morphology propose a synchronic account for the establishment of defaultness in the plural inflection. The grammar of JA displays two default plural forms: the sound feminine plural marked with the suffix -aat e.
So, JA consists a hierarchy that contains two defaults: the iambic broken plural and the sound feminine plural. From my perspective, it is social actors who make them, and they do so not because of epistemological clarity, but because of shifting cultural frames.
Jeffrey Alexander 1. Theoretical basis This paper investigates the shifts of cognitive frames in radio commercials from the perspective of rhetoric, ideology [Van Dijk e. Diacrisis is a term transposed from the cybernetic theory of communication by Zabrocki.
Some of the fundamental diacritic terms which I will use later on in the argument are as follows: the relation of diacrisis, the diacritic pair, diffusivum and confusivum, diffusive range load , diacritic paradigm, diffusive type.
For some aspects of linguistic mar- ket in radio commercials, a more detailed review of literature on the topic of sociopragmatics of the radio, as well as a detailed description of the compiled corpus and research procedure cf.
The data base for the study is the corpus of radio commercials collected from 20th November till 20th December The recordings three minute tapes were first transcribed into one word document and then subcategorized according to particular research questions.
There are basically two levels of analysis: rhetoric and ideological. As such, rhetoric is an inventory of codified solutions, the persuasion of which redundantly reinforces the underlying code [Eco ].
The level beyond that is the level of ideology: the practical way of using rhetoric tacks reflects particular societal preferences. As stated by Van Dijk, markets, politics, policies, exploitation, and marginalization all need an ideological ba- sis.
Such ideologies require production and reproduction through public text and talk, which in our modern times are largely generated or mediated by the mass media [Van Dijk 28]. As such, they seem particularly suitable for diacritic studies of consumerism. Radio commercials are understudied in the research on consumer culture. What follows, the cultural framing has to be verbalized, rather then modeled semiotically, which makes linguistic analysis particularly suitable.
I follow Shore in assuming that: culture is an extensive and heterogeneous collection of models, models that exist both as public artifacts in the world and as cognitive constructs in the mind of members of a community [Shore 44]. As such, linguistic manifestations can be treated as a convenient point of vantage to study and analyze these underlying models, taking particularly into account the very peculiar aspect of the radio commercial impact.
First, the status, internal organization and mental functions of the ideologies need to be studied in terms of social cognition. Second, the conditions and functions of ideologies are obviously not only cognitive but also social, political, cultural and historical. And third, ideologies are formed, changed and reproduced largely through socially situated discourse and communication [Van Dijk vii]. To start with, the collected data seem to testify that the borrowings in commercial discourse might imply creating cognitive niches.
Namely, some aspects of the cultural superstata are more prominent and they tend to suppress and expand into other realms of the market. These subdued elements still survive but the two are kept distinct.
The tendency can be exemplified on the use of carols in Christmas commercials. Basically, only two themes were used in the database: Jingle bells and Let it snow. Jingle bells has become in fact the consumerist anthem of the Christmas hype in Poland.
On the other hand, the soundtracks for Christmas commercials never involved our Polish carols at all. It must be pointed out here that in the Polish tradition carols are still a very popular Christmas attribute. A cognitive niche is thus created: a Polish carol, e.
Jingle Bells, display heteronymous constituent segments with respect to the contextual distribution on the linguistic market. Jingle Bells and Let it snow might be thus an example of a diacritic paradigm: substitutive distribution. Bourdieu claims that the competitive system allocates a lot of space to credit. The excerpts in I show some examples of this tendency: I 1. B: I have my reasons: I pay with the X credit card].
Bierz w trakcie, nie po fakcie [ pneumatic hammer and a plane in the background A: My head! Dem: It does not have to be that tragic, just take a gulp of X from the can — now you can have your drink. X: Take while you drink, not afterwards]. Consumerist shifts in cultural repertoire Next I will address the issue how the code of consumerism transforms the cultural repertoire and turns the community into a clique.
Such a transformation reaches deeply into the level of socio-cognitive models. As such, models represent contextual interpretations and evaluations of such events, which are by definition unique and personal [Van Dijk 31].
In this connection it would appear that the commercials under analysis took the function of a sort of repository of cultural heritage which on the surface strengthen communicative bonds but on the deeper level their function is in fact to manipulate the established connotations and to channel them onto the target commodity.
Van Dijk ], which on some level operates with the distinction inclusion versus exclusion: this informal discussion shows that the notion of group, and the principles and practices of group identification, inclusion and exclusion, access and acceptance, and many other social practices and processes are intimately linked to fundamental group ideologies.
